Media Framing And Construction Of Reality Media Essay

Media Framing And Construction Of Reality Media under stoolOver the twentieth century, the prevailing position among scholars was that media and journalism should be governed by the value of detachment and objectivity, and so they could be credible (Schudson, 1990 cited in Watkins, 2001 83). Nevertheless, this stamp has been challenged by the researchers of critical studies of newsworthiness media who hold in substantial the survey that media ar non passive mirrors of society (Gitlin, 2003 49), but, on the contrary, they play active and crucial authority in the shamionate spend a pennyion of reality (Kr social occasion, 2001 68). In opposite words, media do not just report news, but they thoroughly-disposedly construct them, namely they give a specialized meaning to these events (Kr hold, 2001 67-68).The theory of cordial constructionism, which buy ats that what we know nigh world and ourselves is the result of brotherly processes (Cromby and Nightingale, 1999 4 cited in Johnson-Cartee, 2005 2), has bear upon media studies to a hearty limit. In this mise en scene, plenty of scholars (Brodyn and Page, 1975 Kraus and Davis, 1976 McCombs, 1979 cited in Johnson-Cartee, 2005 2) mean that media set up us with the mosaics from which we build our own perceptions and accordingly, they expertness befool portentous effects on unexclusive and society. match to McQuail (1994), the whole believe of commode communication has been founded on the assertion that media have authoritative effects. However, the concept of media effects was not always the same, as there were signifi firet variations from flowing to period and among contrasting scholars. Additionally, there ar studies that did not identify any signifi tummyt media effect at all (Kingdon, 1984 Pritchard and Berkowitz, 1993 Walker, 1977 Wanta and Foote, 1994 cited in Walgrave et al. 2008 817).The kindly construction of news is achieved through the development and employment of vomit ups (Kruse, 2001 68). Gamson and Modigliani (1987 143) have defined the frame as a central theme, an organizing idea or a story furrow that go outs meaning to an unfolding strip of events, weaving a connection mingled with them. As for the employment of frames by media, Entman (1993 52) has stated that adopting certain frames subject matter that media aim just about aspects of perceived reality and make them more(prenominal) salient, in practically(prenominal) a way as to promote a particular occupation definition, causal insureation, moral evaluation and treatment recommendation for the item described.As far as proclaim allotage is concerned, the literature essays that when media portray demos and former(a)wise balk events, they indeed employ certain frames (Brasted, 2005). The types of frames that ar used and the factors that throttle and influence the filling of these frames be described below. As far as the effects of differ reportage argon concer ned, there are studies that shew that media delineation of disagrees has significant effects on audience (McLeod, 1995 McLeod and Detenber, 1999). According to these studies, different frames of resist stories and different levels of intensity with which they are pledgeed are apparent to affect how audience perceives protest issues. However, according to Detenber et al (2007), these effects are weaker when media sell more familiar to the audience issues, because of pre-existing knowledge of existence. Affecting the perceptions of audience, media reportage of protests may have an influence on the success of the move itself, as well. For instance, a positive apportionage may encourage the involvement of mess, bit a negative hold outage may lead to opposite results and may undermine a social movement (Entman and Rojecki, 1993). However, certain conditions may be required so that media mobilize people. According to Walgrave and Manssens (2000), media are more worryly to m obilize worldly concern, if they are not polarized and have high school rates of boldness among the audience. In addition, in cases of simple and non- policy-making causes and goals, media can achieve peoples mobilization (Walgrave and Manssens, 2000).2.2 relationship between media and social movementsOver the last decades, significant studies have been conducted on the coverage of protest events by mass media. ground mainly on meaning or discourse analyses, scholars tried to describe how media portrayed mingled protest events and explain why proper(postnominal) patterns were used in the coverage. However, the germane(predicate) literature is just aboutly based on USA and UK studies and it is something that we have to publication into account as in several(a) settings the results may be different. It is important to consider the differences of classical setting in terms of the media system and the policy-making culture, as well as the particularities of the case that is under examination.Firstly, in exhibition to get the issue of protest coverage, it is basic to control the literature about the relationship between media and social movements, in general. Although the case that is under examination, namely the December 2008 protest events in Greece, cannot be simply included in typical cases of social movements (protests were not organized by specific social movement shapings with clear and specific schedule, like in cases of anti-war or project protests), the examination of the relevant literature is considered helpful. Baylor (1996) has supported that media and social movements have interdependent relationship. That is to interpret, on the one hand social movements need media and publicity to travel by their goals, to inform and motivate the public, as well as to gain supporters (Baylor, 1996). On the other hand, media search for copy and they are interested about stories that provide drama, conflict, action, colourful copy and photo o pportunities, (Baylor, 1996). Social movements and the actions that they choose to adopt, like proofs, provide that kind of stories.However, it has been supported that this and this relationship can be sometimes dependent and other times antagonistic, because media and movements need all(prenominal) other, but for different reasons (Gitlin, 2003). Gitlins study (2003) present that this relationship has undergone legion(predicate) changes. Sometimes, media might ignore a movement or might conflict with it, and other times, they might present it in a patterned way, or even cooperate with it (Gitlin, 2003). Many factors explain why media treat social movements and protest events in a specific way and they are analyzed below.The interaction between movements and media has also been considered asymmetric, which means that the relationship is not equal and generally, media are much more aright than movements (Gamson and Wolfsfeld, 1993). For instance, the fact that a demonstration w ithout media coverage is considered non-event, reveals the big(p) situation and command of media forthwith (Gamson andWolfsfeld, 1993). Social movements do not have the power to visualise the media process, so even if they gain media coverage, they do not have much power over how media will represent their agendas (Brasted, 2005). In many cases, media coverage can result in distortion of movement agendas and goals (Baylor, 1996).Generally, critical media scholars piece of land the view that media fly the coop to interact or trivialize critical social movements and suppress critical voices, while social movement organizations do not have the power to ensure useful news access (Gitlin, 2003). This approach to movement-media relationship is highly connected with hegemonic thesis, introduced by Gramsci (1971 cited in Carragee, 1993 330), according to which predominant classes struggle to preserve their ideological hegemony within the capitalistic system and medias role in the m aintenance of legitimacy of existing political, social and economic roll is considered of high importance. This thesis has affected media scholars significantly, and until now, there are studies that describe that media run to delegitimize voices that challenge capitalist system and the leadership of dominant groups.Media hegemonic model has met a lot of criticism. Carragee (1993) tried to evaluate the debates approximately the media hegemony thesis and gave an overview of the main critiques around the issue. According to him , the basic challenging views of the model can be split into two categories according to liberal-pluralist perspective, media hegemony thesis is cancelled by the existence of diverse and opposing discourses in news content according to neo-conservative approach, the model is questioned by the fact that there are oppositional and critical to political and market launch, media. Hallin (1986 and 1984 cited in Carragee, 1993 341), tried to refute the latter a rgument, demonstrating that for instance, media coverage of Vietnam War started to become critical, all when political elites in America stopped to indicate their consent.Finally, as for media-movement relationship, Barker-Plummer (1996) claimed that straight off this relationship has become much more complex and proposed the dialogic model rather of hegemonic. According to Barker-Plummer (1996), social movements are dynamic and not stable identities and they are characterized by contextual changes that hegemony model does not outlet into account. Movements and media interact each other and their discourses can affect each other as well (Barker-Plummer, 1996). on that pointfore, we cannot assure that media will always interact social movements.2.3 Protest coverageAs has already been mentioned, media adopt certain frames, when they report news stories. The pick oution of specific frames and patterns of coverage is influenced by numerous factors. As far as the protest reporting is concerned, it has been supported that media coverage is subject to endurance and commentary bias (Smith et al., 2001). This means that media do not cover all protests that take place but they select to report some of them, besides they select to describe the selected events in a specific way. According to Smith et al. (2001), media cover only a small proportion of protests. Furthermore, their study submits that even if a protest event receives media financial aid, media usually neutralize or distort its agenda and goals (Smith, et al. 2001). A plenty of researchers (Shoemaker, 1984 Beamish, Molotch, and Flacks, 1995 Husting, 1999 McLeod and Hertog, 1999) have showed that media commonly choose to cover protests in ways that marginalize the events, their participants and their causes. Particularly in cases in which protesters deviate from the norms and values of society and challenge the status quo, media try to delegitimize them (Shoemaker, 1984 McLeod and Hertog, 1992). Ther e are unhomogeneous devices and techniques that are used for the marginalization of protest events (see below).In order to see how media bias affects the selection and portrayal of news stories, and specifically protest stories, we should examine the basic factors that influence media physique. Smith et al. (2001) have emphasized the role of institutional logic of media organizations in adoption of frames. Analytically, the routine record of newsgathering (namely, whether the events can be integrated into media organizational routines) and the trustingness on ex officio sources affect media selection and description of events (Baylor, 1996). The main reason why they use authoritative sources extensively is the fact that these sources provide news stories with credibility and legitimacy, as well leaven the objectivity of news, or at least they create this illusion (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Also, it has to do with issues of cost as well, because if media depose on sources that are considered credible, they do not need to invest much money for searching information (Herman and Chomsky, 1994). When semiofficials, institutions, government, and other authorities like police are the dominant sources, therefore official definitions are highlighted (McLeod and Hertog, 1999).An idea that has influenced significantly the area of news production is the propaganda model, developed by Herman and Chomsky (1994), which has received hostile criticism, though. According to this model (Herman and Chomsky, 1994), the choice and the content of news are affected by a series of filters. Analytically, media ownership and their profit orientation, their close ties with political and economic elites, their dependence on publicise as a basic income source, as well as the level-headed reliance of media on official sources influence what and how it will be inform (Herman and Chomsky, 1994). Herman and Chomsky (1994) paid particular attention to the role of money and power in the construction of news. In cases of protest coverage, these filters could play important role. Similarly, Smith et al (2001) have supported that media, as integral part of capitalist system, sour in favour of powerful economic and political interests and they select and interpret the events in such a way as to reproduce ideas that support the broader power relationships of society. Accordingly, media are unlikely to cover sympathetically movements and protests that challenge the interests of the elites (Lee and Solomon, 1990). These ideas are highly connected with the hegemonic thesis that was described above.As far as the debates over Chomsky and Hermans ideas are concerned, Hallin (1994) has demonstrated that propaganda model contains failures. That is to say, according to him (Hallin, 1994), the model does not take into account other forces that could work in different vigilance from that of the described filters, for instance journalistic professionalism and objectivity. Ho wever, it is important to mention that according to Hallin and Mancini (2004), journalism in Greece is characterized by low levels of professionalization, besides it is common for Greek journalists to bear their views and their comments along with the presentation of facts, and so it is difficult to discern their printings from the facts.Additionally, propaganda model has been criticized for victorious ruling class interests for granted and considering them homogenous (Knight cited in Klaehn, 2003 363). This means, that media do not take diverse interests and conflicts, which might exist among elites, into consideration. In response to that, Herman and Chomsky (1988) have stated that media present elite controversy and debates, but only when elites dissent on specific tactics and not on fundamental ideas. Based on these ideas, the indication of literature (Boyle et al. 2004) that media are more likely to marginalize deviant protest groups that criticize the foundations of capita lism than groups with less foot goals seems rational. otherwise scholars have challenged propaganda model, claiming that media are pluralistic (Doyle, Elliot, and Tindall, 1997), while Hacket (1991 cited in Klaehn, 2003 366) have demonstrated that media, under certain conditions, can fand so forth oppositional and different views. For instance, if a view challenges individual state policies and does not suggest significant and wide alternatives, then it can be expressed by the media (Hackett, 1991 281 cited in Klaehn, 2003 366). So, Hackett seems to agree with Chomsky and Herman on that media do not express discourses that challenge the fundamental principles of capitalism.Although Chomsky and Hermans ideas were an area of great debate among scholars, literature shows that a great number of media scholars share the opinion that media play a central role in the maintenance of social order. McFarlane and Hay (2003) have claimed that media act as gatekeepers and supporter of the exi sting power structures. According to McLeod and Hertog (1999), media, are important agents of social control and thus, they convey social control messages, through which they reinforce the norms and mainstream values of society while they keep apart and damn deviant actions and viewpoints. Various studies (Entman and Rojecki, 1993 Smith et al. 2001) have demonstrated that media tend to marginalize groups, actions, and viewpoints that challenge and criticize the existing power structures and political and social order. As a result, media will ignore or they will unfavorably cover protests with goals and agendas that challenge and criticize the economic system on which media rely heavily, as well as ideas that can destabilize market and capitalist order (Smith et al. 2001).However, it is important to mention that nowadays there is a significant turn toward rising of protests and generally of unconventional forms of political engagement (Milne, 2005). This trend can be attributed to the fact that more and more citizens are sceptical government policies and elites, as well as to the decrease of participation in ordinary forms of politics, like elections (Dalton, 2004) and to the decline of political attachment (Whiteley, 2003). So, it has been supported that protests have partly become an accepted form of political involvement (Milne, 2005). That might have some effects on media coverage of these events. Milne (2005) has supported that sometimes media, and specifically print media (due to fact that they have been facing problems of reduced circulation total and facing a strong competition from internet), can have a positive attitude towards these unconventional forms of political involvement. Additionally, according to Milne (2005), newspapers can use social movements and protest events as a tool to undermine some politicians or political parties, and therefore they may cover them positively. For instance, a newspaper, which is interact with a party that is in opposition, might support a demonstration that challenges the government and its policies. Consequently, in these cases media seem to be pluralistic and not hegemonic. Yet, it is important to examine whether media cover positively groups that challenge fundamental principles of the capitalist system, or they just question specific policies and tactics. Generally, literature has demonstrated that media have never supported radical protest groups that called into question the capitalism itself.Finally, it is important to take into account the particularities of Greek media system, because they might influence the way that media cover events like demonstrations. According to Hallin and Mancini (2004), media system in Greece belongs to the Mediterranean or Polarized model. That is to say, it is characterized by high political parallelism and low professionalization (Hallin and Mancini, 2004). Papathanasopoulos (2001) has claimed that despite the commercialization and market-orientati on of Greek media, (the majority of media are private-owned, apart from the public broadcaster, ERT), their political instrumentalization is still dominant, that is to say there are outside political actors that control them. However, he has highlighted that nowadays media owners are much more powerful than politicians are, using media as a tool for political profits (Papathanassopoulos, 2001). So, Greek media cannot be considered neutral, but on the contrary, unabashedly partisan, sensational and political (Zaharopoulos and Paraschos, 1993 96).2.4 Marginalization techniquesAs has already been mentioned, in many cases literature shows that media tend to cover negatively and marginalize protest events. The devices and techniques, which are usually employed for that purpose are described analytically below.Tone of headlines and articlesFirstly, through the tone of headlines and the temper of articles, journalist can express their support or criticism against a protest group (Boyle at al. 2004). A protest story is covered negatively, when headlines pay particular attention to violent actions, to conflicts between protesters and police, as well as to arrests (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Negative nature of a protest article can be indicated through many ways, for instance by focusing on cases of legal violations by the protest group and by emphasizing negative actions of protesters and more extreme aspects of them (McLeod and Hertog, 1992). According to Husting (1999), media commonly use the us versus them scenario in the coverage of radical protests. In other words, on the one side it is the society, the public opinion, all of us and on the other side the protesters, them.Furthermore, according to McLeod and Hertog (1999), journalists tend to use the casual framing when they cover groups that deviate from the status quo, namely they focus on events and actions of protesters (e.g. violent acts, arrests, destructions) instead of presenting the issues raised by the g roup, like their agenda and their goals. The use of occasional frames contributes to the marginalization of protests because this way, protesters are performed just as acting and their acts are not linked with any cause, or any political context (Boyle et al. 2004 49). It is important to mention that there are two important reasons that can explain why media choose that type of coverage. Firstly, because of pressure that deadlines and other limitations of media organization exert, there is not much time for reporters to investigate and analyze conglomerate issues that have to do with the goals of protesters and it is easier to focus on events (Boyle et al. 2004). Furthermore, protest events and actions are arouse and good news, for instance violent events and airplane propeller destructions interest journalists significantly (Boyle et al. 2004). bill framingMcleod and Hertog (1999) have identified several types of frames that tend to marginalize protest events and their participa nts. Firstly, the violent crime story is the most frequent frame and focuses on the violent acts of protesters. Journalists tend to highlight clashes between police and protesters and generally, they focus on the extreme aspects of the protest group the ignorance of peaceful actions is also common phenomenon (McLeod, 1995). Secondly, the property crime story emphasizes the property destructions, for instances cases of vandalism (burning cars and buildings, breaking shop windows etc.). There is also the Riot frame that is quite similar to the above-mentioned frames and present protests as riots without any political context. An additional frame that marginalizes protests is the carnival frame, which represents protesters as performers within a spectacle who act without any political cause. Furthermore, the freak show frame focuses on appearance and other odd characteristics of protesters, like piercing, bleakness etc. By making comments about the appearance, media manage to triviali ze the goals and the political framework of protesters (Gitlin, 2003). There is also the Romper Room frame that presents protesters as engaging in immature and childish actions and the moral decay that presents protest events as an indication of the general decay of society. Lastly, the storm watch frame highlights the fact that protest groups may threaten the mainstream society significantly. What is interesting and at the same time contradictory is the fact that on the one hand, media want to diminish the effectiveness of protest groups, but on the other hand, they overdraw the threats that these groups may pose to society (McLeod, 1995).Reliance on official sourcesThe reliance on official sources in the media coverage of protests contributes to the marginalization and delegitimization of the protest group, because official sources tend to support status quo and question the legitimacy of groups that challenge it (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Furthermore, when media cover radical p rotests, they are unlikely to use members of the protest group as sources (Boyle et al, 2004). In this case, they are interested in dealing with actions, violence, and conflicts in order to delegitimate them, while they want to ignore issues raised by protesters (Boyle et al. 2004 50). However, even if protesters are used as sources, then journalists usually paraphrase and distort their views, in order to delegitimize them (McLeod and Hertog, 1999 319).Invocation of public opinionIn cases of protests coverage, media invoke public opinion extensively in order to isolate and marginalize protest groups (McLeod Hertog, 1992). Media depiction of public opinion can take many forms. Journalists can make generalizations by providing general statements about public opinion, and showing that people are against protesters phrases such as the national mood or most people feel, are common (McLeod and Hertog, 1992 McLeod and Hertog, 1999 316). Another form of invocation of public opinion, but rar ely used, is through opinion polls, (McLeod and Hertog, 1992 McLeod and Hertog, 1999). It has been claimed that if opinion polls demonstrate that the majority of people agree with the goals of protesters, then media may ignore or marginalize them (Entman and Rojecki, 1993).Whats more, media commonly invoke social norms, in order to show that protest groups and their actions deviate from these norms (McLeod and Hertog, 1992 McLeod and Hertog, 1999). The communication of norm violations is achieved by focusing on violent behaviour of protesters, on their non-conventional or strange appearance etc. (McLeod and Hertog, 1992 McLeod and Hertog, 1999). Media may also focus on legal violations (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). That is to say, legal issues and violations are highlighted, and protesters are represented as criminals. Media can also invoke public opinion by using bystanders who are either indifferent to protests or hostile (McLeod and Hertog, 1999).The application of the above-mention ed techniques depends mainly on the type and the goals of protests (Boyle et al, 2004). For instance, the extent to which a protest group challenges the status quo and the existing system determines whether and to what point in time media will apply the marginalization devices in their coverage (McLeod and Hertog, 1999). It has been claimed that anti-war protests are more likely to receive negative and radical coverage than the labour or police protests, because anti-war protests call into question the social system (Boyle et al. 2004).Finally, it is important to detect an important contradiction. As has been mentioned above, media are based on official sources by and large because the credibility and the status of those sources help journalist to be objective. The use of episodic framing can satisfy the same goal. That is to say, media report events and actions that indeed took place, without expressing their views, so they can support that they are objective. But, on the other h and, it has been demonstrated that framing in terms of events as well as adoption of official definitions contribute to the marginalization of protests, which means that finally media are not so objective.SummaryIn general, the main arguments about media coverage of protest events are highly connected with the hegemonic thesis that supports that media play an important role in the maintenance of status quo. Although this idea has received a lot of criticism, it has affected media studies to a significant extent. Several studies have demonstrated that media have a tendency to delegitimize and trivialize groups that challenge capitalist system and the leadership of dominant groups. In cases of protest events, literature showed that media tend to ignore them and generally cover a limited number of them, while even if a demonstration gain attention, media choose to describe it in negative way, trying to marginalize it. This is more common in cases of radical protests, namely when they h ave radical goals and agenda and challenge the foundations of capitalism. The marginalization is achieved with the employment of various devices and specific frames.Nevertheless, the findings of the specific study demonstrated that, under certain circumstances, media can use a variety of frames and not only the negative ones and generally be more balanced, even if they cover some radical demonstrations. Particularities in terms of the nature of protest events, specific elements of media system, as well as some political circumstances can have significant influence on media portrayal of protests.